Caught between Rome and Washington: The political optics of Pope Leo XIV

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When white smoke rose from the Sistine Chapel on May 8, 2025, it signaled a historic break with precedent: Cardinal Robert Francis Prevost of the United States had been elected the 267th pope, taking the name Pope Leo XIV

Known in Roman circles as the “Latin Yankee” for the decades he spent as an Augustinian missionary in Peru, the Chicago-born Pope brings a blend of American roots and Latin American experience to the Vatican. His rise “marks an attempt by the Catholic Church to find a middle ground at a time of wide internal divisions” within global Catholicism. In many ways, Leo XIV stands at a crossroads of cultures – a pope formed by Latin American pastoral work and global Church service, yet inevitably viewed through the lens of his American nationality.

From the moment of his first appearance, Leo XIV seemed conscious of the delicate optics of his new role. Standing on the loggia of St. Peter’s, he opened with a simple blessing, “Peace be with you all,” delivered in Italian, and even offered greetings in Spanish with a warm shout-out to the faithful of Chiclayo, Peru – the diocese where he served for years. Tellingly, he did not initially address the crowd in English. 

This subtle choice underscored that his papacy would not be an exercise in American parochialism, but oriented toward the universal Church. Indeed, in his first words as pope, Leo XIV spoke of the Church as one that should be “open to receive everyone… to welcome everyone, in charity, dialogue and love”, emphasizing a mission to “build bridges” across divides. Those bridges will need to span not only the internal rifts in Catholicism, but also the geographical and ideological gulf between Rome and Washington.

Jubilation in Washington – and early jitters

Leo XIV’s election immediately set off celebrations on both sides of the Atlantic. In the United States, leaders across the political spectrum hailed the first North American pope as a point of pride. 

U.S. President Donald Trump lauded the moment as “a great honor for our Country”, expressing excitement and saying he looked forward to meeting Pope Leo XIV “very soon”reuters.com. Joining in the praise were figures as disparate as Trump’s Vice President J.D. Vance, Democratic former President Barack Obama, and President Joe Biden, all of whom expressed joy at the historic choice. It was a rare moment of bipartisan exuberance in Washington, with Illinois Governor J.B. Pritzker and other officials likewise celebrating the Chicago-born pontiff’s ascent. 

The Vatican, for its part, received congratulations from around the world – from the presidents of Peru and Mozambique to Vladimir Putin, who voiced hope for continued “constructive dialogue” between the Kremlin and the Holy See based on shared Christian values. Clearly, global leaders recognize that a new papacy can recalibrate Vatican relations with world powers.

Amid the congratulatory messages, however, there were hints of the political cross-pressures Pope Leo XIV will face. President Trump’s reaction – surprise mingled with pride – betrayed an assumption that having an American pope might in some way benefit U.S. interests: “For the new pope to be American, what greater honor can there be?” Trump gushed. His administration quickly struck a diplomatic tone as well. U.S. Secretary of State (and fellow Catholic) Marco Rubio issued “heartfelt congratulations” and affirmed that “the United States looks forward to deepening our enduring relationship with the Holy See with the first American pontiff.” 

Such statements indicate Washington’s high expectations that a pope from the United States will naturally be sympathetic to American positions or at least advance a closer Vatican-U.S. alliance.

Yet even in the rejoicing crowd at St. Peter’s, some sensed the potential for awkward optics. “I hope America does not embarrass the pope,” quipped one American pilgrim from Seattle, acknowledging the fraught climate back home. It was a half-joking, half-nervous wish that the new Pope’s homeland would not saddle him with partisan baggage. 

Leo XIV will have to walk a fine line: embracing his role as a bridge between the Vatican and the U.S. without being co-opted by secular politics or nationalist expectations. The coming months will test whether American civic pride in “one of ours” on the Chair of Peter translates into real convergence, or if instead the Pope’s global moral mission will clash with Washington’s agenda.

Leo XIV’s unique biography may be his greatest asset in navigating these dynamics. At 69, he is the first American pope, but he is by no means a product of the U.S. political machine. In fact, Cardinal Prevost spent the majority of his priestly life far from the American spotlight – two decades as a humble missionary and later bishop in Peru. Fluent in five languages, holder of dual U.S.-Peruvian citizenship, and former head of the Augustinian order worldwide, he personifies the global face of the Church as much as its American contingent. “He is an enigma to cardinals, especially to American cardinals, because he spent his life outside of the United States,” noted one theologian observer in Rome. 

In other words, despite his Chicago roots, Leo XIV is not tightly bound to any U.S. ecclesial faction or political culture war – a fact that could free him to be his own man on the world stage.

Indeed, the new pope’s choice of the name Leo XIV telegraphed a commitment to continuity with the Church’s global social mission. It consciously harkens back to Pope Leo XIII, who authored the landmark 1891 encyclical Rerum Novarum on workers’ rights and social justice. By invoking Leo XIII, Prevost signaled an alignment with the pro-worker, pro-poor thrust of Catholic social teaching. 

As prominent Catholic commentator E.J. Dionne Jr. put it, “the first American pope was shaped by his experience of global Catholicism” and a deep commitment to the poor, so his name choice “reflects the new pope’s commitment to social justice”. Far from indulging any triumphalist “Americanism,” Leo XIV seems intent on grounding his papacy in the Church’s universal call to serve the marginalized – a theme very much in the vein of Pope Francis.

Crucially, Leo XIV’s elevation may also represent a kind of resolution to an old Vatican anxiety about American influence. In 1899, Leo XIII sharply criticized aspects of a nascent movement of American Catholic thought (later dubbed the “Americanism” heresy) that he feared put undue emphasis on individualism and adaptation to modernity. For over a century, the idea of “Americanism” haunted U.S.-Vatican relations, implying that the cultural ethos of the United States might be incompatible with pure Catholic tradition. 

Now, in 2025, the election of an American pope “might be seen as the decisive settlement of the ‘Americanism’ controversy”, Dionne observes. By choosing Prevost, the cardinals effectively declared that a son of the United States can loyally lead the global Church without prioritizing American ideals over Catholic ones. Leo XIV’s task will be to prove them right: to integrate the vitality of the American Church with the humility of a missionary and the impartiality of a universal pastor.

Continuity with Francis – and subtle course corrections

In many respects, Pope Leo XIV has so far indicated he will continue the trajectory of Pope Francis’s papacy, especially on issues of social justice, inclusivity, and church governance. He was a trusted protégé of Francis, appointed in 2023 to the powerful Vatican post overseeing bishop selections worldwide. 

Upon his election, Leo XIV praised his predecessor and explicitly echoed Francis’s vision of a “synodal” (collaborative and listening) Church. “We want to be a synodal church, walking and always seeking peace, charity, closeness, especially to those who are suffering,” the new pope said in his first address

Such language, coupled with his immediate call for “peace, dialogue and justice,” gave pro-Francis Catholics and progressives much to cheer. “He demonstrated commitment to Francis’ legacy, calling for peace, dialogue and justice,” said John Carr of Georgetown University, adding that Leo’s very name signals “commitment to Catholic social teaching.” Even former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi praised the name Leo XIV as “a sign of good things to come.”

The implication is clear: Leo XIV stands in ideological continuity with Francis’s focus on the poor, migrants, and care for creation – and there will be “no turning back” from that course.

That said, Leo XIV is not a carbon copy of Francis, and subtle shifts in tone and style are already apparent. The speedy consensus that elected him – just on the second day of the conclave – suggests that many “middle-of-the-road cardinals” saw Prevost as “a conciliator in a divided church.” He repeatedly invoked “bridges” in his opening remarks as pope, signaling a desire to heal rifts. 

Some cardinals likely welcomed a more careful and understated personality at the helm, in contrast to Francis’s often “ebullient, spontaneous” style and media-ready quips. In a small but symbolic departure, Leo XIV chose to don the ornate stole and mozzetta (cape) for his balcony appearance – “a potentially reassuring moment for traditionalists,” as one observer noted, since Pope Francis had usually spurned such trappings. Vatican insiders say the Roman Curia “will be comfortable with him”, seeing in Leo someone who respects church institutions even as his missionary background keeps him attuned to the grassroots. In short, he may blend Francis’s progressive priorities with a touch of traditional decorum, aiming to unify disparate camps.

The very fact that both progressive and traditionalist factions find signs of hope in his early gestures speaks to the delicate balancing act he is attempting within the Church. 

Washington’s hopes meet a Pope’s principles

If internal Church unity is one challenge, another is managing the expectations of the U.S. political sphere – expectations that could collide with Leo XIV’s stated principles. 

Many in Washington seem to assume that a pope who is American-born will naturally be friendlier to U.S. perspectives or interests. Certainly the warm words from the White House and Capitol Hill reflect that hope. 

However, Leo XIV’s past actions suggest he will not shy away from challenging American leaders when Catholic teaching and American policy diverge. In fact, within minutes of his election, internet sleuths resurfaced the new pope’s own social media posts that were critical of the very U.S. officials now congratulating him. 

Case in point: Prevost’s February 2025 tweet linking to an article in the National Catholic Reporter pointedly rebuked Vice President J.D. Vance’s stance on immigration. Vance had argued that love and obligations are owed first to one’s family, community, and nation over “the rest of the world,” effectively rationalizing a hardline approach to migrants. 

Then-Cardinal Prevost pushed back by sharing a piece titled “JD Vance is wrong: Jesus doesn’t ask us to rank our love for others,” pointedly countering the vice president’s nationalism with a reminder of the Gospel’s universal love. 

This remarkable episode – an American cardinal publicly challenging an American vice president – indicates that Pope Leo XIV will speak his conscience, even at the risk of ruffling Washington’s feathers

As Dionne noted, Leo’s active Twitter history shows “he will not be afraid to take issue with the policies of President Donald Trump” despite any patriotic affinity. Ironically, Prevost had once voted in Illinois Republican primaries, but his advocacy for migrants and the poor aligns far more with Pope Francis’s agenda than with the Trump-Vance brand of politics.

This sets the stage for a potentially complex relationship. On some issues, Pope Leo XIV may indeed find common cause with American conservatives – for example, defending religious liberty, speaking against abortion, or promoting traditional family values – areas where the Catholic hierarchy and the American right often agree. But on issues like immigration, refugee policy, economic inequality, climate change, and foreign conflict, the pope is likely to be a prophetic critic of any self-centered or short-sighted policies, regardless of the administration in power. 

His inaugural appeals for peace and care for the suffering will resonate as gentle rebukes if the U.S. pursues military escalation or neglects the vulnerable. We have already seen hints of this in how Leo XIV’s very election was interpreted by observers: “The international upheaval of the rhetoric of the Trump presidency, paradoxically, made possible the impossible,” said Massimo Faggioli, suggesting that the cardinals chose an American in part so the pope could “directly rebut the [U.S.] president.”

In other words, the Vatican might be counting on Leo XIV to engage Washington in a dialogue – or even a debate – on moral issues from a position of peer authority. An American pope can perhaps command a hearing in Washington in a way others could not. If Pope John Paul II famously leveraged his Polish roots to speak to Eastern Europe and the USSR, Pope Leo XIV might use his American identity as a platform to speak uncomfortable truths to America itself.

Of course, how that dynamic plays out will depend on both sides. The U.S. government may test the waters by inviting Leo XIV for an early visit or meeting – an opportunity President Trump has already said he looks forward to. Such a meeting would be rich in optics: an American president known for his nationalism sitting down with an American pope who preaches global solidarity. Will they smile for cameras and emphasize shared values, or will differences on issues like humanitarian policy emerge? 

The world will be watching. Washington must also grapple with the reality that Leo XIV’s loyalties lie not with any nation but with a 1.4-billion-strong global Church. After all, the pope is “truly the father of the Catholic Church” — a spiritual leader not a politician. Pope Leo will surely guard the independence of the Holy See. 

That might mean, for instance, maintaining the Vatican’s controversial diplomatic engagement with China on Church matters even if American policymakers oppose Beijing. It might mean urging peace negotiations in conflicts like Ukraine or the Holy Land, even when Washington favors a more hardline stance. 

In short, the first American pope may at times frustrate American officials by prioritizing a global moral vision over geopolitical alignment. This is the paradox of being “caught between Rome and Washington” – Leo XIV is claimed by America, but he does not claim allegiance to it.

In the final analysis, Pope Leo XIV’s tenure will be defined by how well he manages the intersection of faith and politics, especially as viewed through the prism of U.S.-Vatican relations. 

The optics of having an American pope are powerful. To many U.S. Catholics, it is a moment of pride that reflects the growing importance of the Church in the Americas. To the U.S. government, it offers an opening for closer engagement with an influential global institution. To the Vatican, it is a bold experiment in breaking regional barriers. Leo XIV himself has thus far embraced the positive symbolism – emphasizing common ground with his predecessor in championing the poor, invoking a legacy of Catholic social teaching, and even indulging the hopes of American Catholics celebrating a “hometown Pope” from Chicago’s South Side. At the same time, he has gently but clearly set boundaries on any notion that he will be “America’s man” in Rome. By highlighting his missionary past and speaking the language of universality, he is asserting that the Pope must rise above national identity.

Still, being caught between Rome and Washington means tensions are inevitable. One can already foresee flashpoints where Leo XIV’s words or actions will be parsed for pro- or anti-American bias. Every papal pronouncement on capitalism, human rights, or conflict will be scrutinized in D.C. think tanks and cable news panels. 

U.S. Catholic conservatives who were uneasy with Pope Francis’s critiques of free-market excess or his leniency toward certain politicians might initially have hoped an American successor would realign the Church with their views. They may be surprised to find that Leo XIV is just as committed to “a Church that is engaged with the modern world” on its own terms – and willing to challenge both left and right ideologies as needed.

Conversely, American progressives might celebrate his social justice stance while pressing him to go further on inclusivity, not fully accounting for the global constraints he faces. In threading this needle, Leo XIV’s advantage is his reputation as a listener and pragmatist. Those skills will be crucial in diplomacy as well as in Church governance.

As he moves forward, Pope Leo XIV will likely strive to be an “equal-opportunity” moral voice – one who can praise when praise is due and critique when conscience demands, regardless of the partisan implications. In American politics, that might translate to applauding efforts on poverty relief or peace initiatives by the U.S., while denouncing policies that harm immigrants or the environment. 

Such a balanced approach could, over time, elevate the discourse by infusing it with the Church’s ethical perspective rather than any one nation’s interests. If successful, Leo XIV could deepen the partnership between Rome and Washington on shared goals (like fighting human trafficking or aiding disaster victims), even as he keeps a prophetic distance on points of principle. His very presence embodies a bridge: after all, he is a Pope who “carries two passports” – but ultimately answers to a higher authority than any state.

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